The Impact of Replacement Immigration: Part 2. A Criminal Society

4. Immigration and Crime

However bad the economic forecasts I looked at in part one of this article are for the UK, millions of low-skilled or unemployed immigrants and their numerous dependents depressing wages of British workers and living off the taxes of the British people are not the only consequences of replacement immigration. As I want to argue — hopefully without being arrested by Keir Starmer’s Thought Police — when you import unskilled immigrants from impoverished countries with high crime rates you also import crime. And just as with their wages, it’s the already impoverished British working class, among whom these immigrants are being rehoused without consideration for the consequences, who bear the brunt of their criminality and, especially, that of their children. In part one, I looked broadly at the correlation between crime rates and immigration in European countries; and I suggested that this is not an unwanted consequence but, instead, one of the intended goals of replacement immigration based on the US model of a highly criminal and criminalised society. Now I want to look in detail at the correlation between the policy of replacement immigration and rising crimes rates in the UK.

To return to the mass murder by a second-generation Rwandan immigrant that triggered the demonstrations and counter demonstrations in England last summer, the intentional homicide rate in Rwanda in 2020 was 3.59 per 100,000 people. Even after three decades of mass immigration, this is three times the homicide rate in the UK (1.148 per 100,000 in 2021), but only a half that in Zimbabwe (6.76 per 100,000 in 2022), from which 207,000 immigrants have come as of last year (86,000 in the last 4 years); a 6th that in Nigeria (21.741 per 100,000 in 2019, the 20th highest homicide rate in the world) from which 659,000 immigrants have come to the UK (392,000 in the last 4 years); and a 15th that in Jamaica in 2023 (49.299 per 100,000 in 2023, the highest in the world), and from which over 400,000 have come to the UK). The intentional homicide rate in Bangladesh was 2.340 in 2018, in India 2.832 in 2020, in Sri Lanka 3.427 in 2019, and in Pakistan 4.335 in 2023, all of which are between twice and four times the rate in the UK. In comparison, the homicide rate in Wales, where the Southport mass murderer was born, went to school and indoctrinated as an Islamic Jihadist, is 0.91, a quarter that of the country in which his Rwandan parents were born.

More generally, while the crime rate in the UK, as we saw in part one, was 47.4 per 100,000 of the population in 2024, in Ghana it was lower (43.9), but in Zimbabwe it was 60.9 (the 27th highest in the world), in Nigeria 66.2 (the 14th highest), and in Jamaica 68.1 (the 10th highest). And to relate these higher crime rates to poverty, where the UK, according to the World Bank, had a GDP per capita of $49,464 in 2023, Ghana’s was $2,260 in 2023, Nigeria’s was $1,587, and Zimbabwe’s was $2,156. So the 478,000 immigrants from Nigeria and Zimbabwe let into the UK in the last four years, and the 388,000 that were already here, have come from impoverished countries with far higher crime rates.

We must also take into account that, in such relatively impoverished countries with diminished resources for policing, the reporting of crime is likely to be lower than in the UK’s police state, and the actual crime rates higher. In India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka, with GDP per capita in 2023 of, respectively, $2,481, $1,354, $2,551 and $3,828, crime rates in 2024 were 44.3, 43.2, 61.5 and 42.1 per 100,000 of the population, which, with the exception of Bangladesh, are all less than in the UK. If you’ve ever been to the Indian subcontinent, you’ll know this is not due to the lack of criminality in these countries but to the inability or unwillingness of the state to police and prosecute criminal behaviour that immigrants from these countries bring with them to the UK. As we shall see, however, these considerable differences between crime rates in countries with comparably low standards of living are passed on to the crime figures among the different nationalities of immigrants in the UK. The data shows that, when you import immigrants from countries with high crimes rates you also import that criminal behaviour, but it is not reducible to poverty alone. Crime in countries to which immigrants have moved is also linked to patterns of behaviour, attitudes to women and sexual practices in different cultures that are brought into stark relief in the UK. So let’s have a look at those figures.

In the 9 years between June 2012 and June 2021, 2,729,000 immigrants from non-EU countries entered the UK. Since then, a further 2,729,000 entered in the 3½ years to December 2024, making a total of 5,458,000 in 12½ years. It is surely not coincidental, therefore, that crime in England and Wales has risen every year since 2013-14, when there were 4,028,463 police-recorded offences, to 6,657,518 in 2023-2024. That’s a disastrous and otherwise inexplicable 60 percent increase in just 10 years.

As an indicator that these crime rates are being imported into the UK with immigrants from countries with high crime and homicide rates, in 2004, when the Government of Tony Blair opened the UK up to Eastern European workers and their dependents, there was no corresponding rise in UK crime. Again, I would suggest it is not a coincidence that crime rates in 2024 in Latvia (37.4), Hungary (33.7), Lithuania (32.8), Slovakia (31.1), Poland (30.7), Czechia (26.8), Estonia (23.8) and Slovenia (24.2) — the eight nations that entered the EU in 2004 — are all considerably less than in the UK (47.4). Indeed, as we can see from the chart above, recorded crime in England and Wales actually dropped between 2004, when the European Union was extended, and 2011. 

What conclusion can we draw from this? I would suggest that the correlation between rising immigration and rising crime in the UK isn’t only because the immigrants have arrived here illegally, and have therefore already broken UK law. It is also because the immigrants, both illegal and legal, come from countries with some of the highest crime rates in the world. Afghanistan, which supplied 19 percent of the illegal immigrants to cross the English Channel in the year ending March 2024, has the 3rd-highest crime rate in the world (78.3 per 100,000). It’s from here that it’s recently been revealed that 24,000 soldiers and their families and dependents have been secretly resettled to the UK at an estimated cost of £7 billion to the UK taxpayer, together with priority to UK housing over the British citizens whose taxes paid to build it. Similarly, Somalia, from which 176,645 people were living in England and Wales in the 2021 Census, has almost as high a crime rate (65.2), the 16th highest in the world. It shouldn’t surprise us that, of this Somali population, which is already the largest in Europe, 72 percent are living in the UK’s diminishing stock of social housing, that 48.2 percent are under the age of 21, that of those aged 16-64 some 47.1 percent are economically inactive, that 10.3 percent are unemployed and 4.7 percent are categorised as long-term sick or disabled. But the criminality of the immigrants with which the UK has been flooded since 2022 isn’t restricted to Afghans and Somalis, both countries in which war has been waged for decades and which might have been expected to have driven up the criminality of their populations if not the readiness with which they have taken to a life of benefit dependency. 

According to data collected by the Centre for Migration through Freedom of Information requests and published in the Telegraph in March 2025, between 2021 and 2023, 872,448 convictions in England and Wales were recorded by the police, of which 833,522 identified the nationality of the convicted. Foreign nationals accounted for 104,000 of these convictions, but a further 38,966 were recorded with the nationality of the convicted listed as ‘unknown’. Since this is unlikely to be a British citizen, foreigners therefore accounted for 16.4 percent (or 1 in 6) of criminal convictions in England and Wales over these three years. To put this into context, foreign nationals make up just 9.3 percent of the population. Of greater concern to British women and children, 15 percent of sexual offences, including rape, were recorded as having been committed by foreign nationals; but since a further 8 percent were by unknown nationalities, the actual share of sexual offences committed by foreigners was 23 percent, 2.5 times their percentage of the population. Foreigners also accounted for 17 percent of drug offences, 12.6 percent of theft and 12 percent of all violent crimes. 

Of these foreign nationals, Romanians committed the highest number of crimes (15,701), followed by Poles (13,333) and Albanians (7,653), who, at a crime rate of 4,028 per 10,000 (or 4 in every 10), are the most criminal demographic of immigrants, with a crime rate 30 times higher than that of British nationals (136 per 10,000). In terms of crime rates, Albanians were followed by Moldovans, Congolese, Namibians, Somalians and Afghans. Indeed, 66 nationalities had a higher conviction rate than Britons. 

For convictions for violent crime, the Congolese had the highest rate (187 per 10,000), which is nearly twelve time the rate for Britons (16), followed, again, by Somalians (129 per 10,000) and Afghans (102 per 10,000). Algerians, with a rate of 320 per 100,000, were 18 times more likely to be convicted for theft as British citizens, with a rate of 18, and Albanians were 14 times more likely to be convicted of possessing weapons. 

Afghans, again, and Eritreans were 10 times more likely to commit sexual offences than British citizens. But overall, the highest numbers of sex offence convictions of foreign nationals between 2021 and 2023 were committed by Romanians (987), Poles (208), Indians (148) and Pakistanis (144). In contrast, Britons, who accounted for 12,619 sex offence convictions between 2021 and 2023, have a conviction rate of 2.66 per 10,000. This means that, overall, foreign nationals were 71 percent more likely than Britons to be responsible for sex crime convictions. Overall, foreign nationals were 69 percent more likely than British citizens to be convicted for drug crimes, 25 times more likely for theft, and, for all crime types, they were 39 percent more likely.

Unsurprisingly, given this clear and evidential correlation between immigration and crime, the prison population of the UK has risen consistently since 2021, when net migration from non-EU countries into the UK increased from 93,000 in 2020 to 484,000 in 2021, then to 873,000 in 2022, 860,000 in 2023 and 431,000 in 2024. In contrast, over these four years (2021-2024), net immigration from the EU was minus 316,000 as the Brexit vote came into effect. As a consequence, while in June 2019 the prison population of England and Wales was 82,710, by June 2024, even after two years of lockdown, it had still risen to 87,726, and doubtless it will continue to rise with the replacement of the native population by immigrants from impoverished and criminal countries. Indeed, having increased at a steady rate of 2.5 percent annually since the Second World War, the prison population has increased by 3.4 percent since the early 1990s, correlating with the general increase in immigration into the UK after the signing of the Maastricht Treaty and the New Labour governments of Tony Blair.

If we look at the consequences for the UK state of this rise in crime, the latest prison statistics for England and Wales show that, as of March 2024, minority ethnicities made up 27 percent of the prison population of the UK, compared with their 18 percent of the general population, 1.5 times as much. Black prisoners made up 12 percent, three times their 4 percent share of the population. Asian prisoners make up 8 percent, slightly less than their 9 percent of the population, in keeping with the lower crime rates in the countries from which they come we looked at earlier. Mixed-race prisoners make up 5 percent, two-thirds more than their 3 percent of the population.

Of the 10,442 foreigners in prison in England and Wales in March 2024, the highest number from a single country (1,273) were from Albania, an extraordinary 1.85 percent of the 68,672 living here according to the 2021 Census. When you’re looking at nearly 2 in every 100 immigrants from a single country ending up in UK prisons, you’re looking at a failed immigration system. And yet our governments continue to let them in. In addition, 4,203 prisoners were from the European Economic Area (of which 906 were Polish, 750 were Romanian, 649 were Irish, 361 were Lithuanian and 290 were Portuguese), 1,831 were from Africa, 1,260 were from Asia, 677 were from the Middle East, and 527 were from the Caribbean.

Among the different crimes for which prisoners in England and Wales were serving time in March 2024, violence against the person (including assault, harassment, GBH and murder) accounted for 32 percent of prisoner offences, rising to 56 percent among juveniles (aged 15-17). A third of the prison population serving time for personal assaults is indication of a violent society at odds with British societies of even the recent past. Sexual offences, significantly, were the next highest category for adults (20 percent), again indicative of a change in the behaviour of the inhabitants of these isles; while for juveniles the second most committed offence was robbery (14 percent).

To put these figures into historical perspective, between 1900 and 2018, during which the adult population of England and Wales doubled, the prison population more than quadrupled. This has risen consistently since the Second World War, in correlation with the history of mass immigration to the UK I sketched out in chapter one of my book. And around half this century-long increase has taken place since 1990, when immigration exponentially increased under successive UK governments from a net migration of minus 13,000 in 1992 to the 873,000 net migration we had in 2023. 

As a consequence — which I would suggest, once again, cannot be dismissed as a coincidence — in the twenty years between 1992 and 2012 the prison population of the UK doubled in size. If you’re too young to remember what happened in 1992, the Government of John Major signed the Maastricht Treaty that granted all EU citizens the right to live and work in the UK. Since June 2021 alone, and the entry of a further 3.7 million immigrants into the UK, the prison population has increased by 9,400.

As I documented in part one of this article, in addition to the breakdown of the social fabric in England that we have witnessed for decades and is now reaching breaking point, there is an economic cost to rising crime and the number of prisoners. The overall annual cost in England and Wales in 2023-24 was £53,801 per prisoner. For foreign nationals alone, that’s £562 million per year paid for by the British taxpayer. For the entire prison population of England and Wales it’s over £4.7 billion annually and rising, with the prison population of England and Wales predicted to be 94,400 in March 2025. The British people, therefore, are not only paying to transport, house, feed, educate, train and provide healthcare for millions of immigrants, but also to pay for their imprisonment when, as such a high proportion of them do, they repay our albeit unwilling generosity by mugging, robbing, knifing, stealing from, raping and killing us.

5. Muslims and Sexual Violence

The crime rate of their country of origin, however, is not the only predictor of criminal behaviour among immigrants to the UK. Religion — or, more accurately, the behaviours, values and beliefs of the cultural form a religion takes in a host country, particularly among immigrants in countries with a different religion and culture — is a contributor too. Despite crime rates among Asians being lower than their percentage of the population, the proportion of prisoners in England and Wales who are Muslims has increased from 8 percent in 2002, when they constituted 3 percent of the population in England and Wales, to 18 percent in 2022. That’s more than two-and-a-half times their current 7 percent share of the population, with 15,909 Muslims in prison in England and Wales in March 2024. As the population of Muslims has increased, so has their representation in UK prisons, and at a regular increase over their percentage of the population (around 2.6 times as much) over the last 20 years. Indeed, Islam is the only religion that has a higher representation among prisoners identifying as Muslim than it does among the population. This strongly indicates not mere correlation but evident causality between crime and the increasingly separatist, fundamentalist, oppositional and violent form that Islam has taken in the UK.

As we saw in the counter-demonstrations of Muslims against the protests held by British people across the country at the Southport murders by an Islamic terrorist in August 2024, this form of Islam has been further emboldened by the UK state’s refusal to arrest Muslims for the same actions for which English people are arrested, and by the willingness of both our police and municipal authorities to cover up the crimes of the Muslim rape gangs whose identity and actions are formed around an admittedly perverted interpretation of their religion. Perverted or not, however, the question the UK state has failed to address for forty years is not whether the belief that English girls are religiously-sanctioned prey for Muslim men is an accurate interpretation of Islam, whose spokesmen repeatedly claim that it is a religion of peace and quote selectively from the Qur’an to dismiss such crimes as counter to their beliefs. Rather, the question — which is not a question so much as an emergency which the UK state has ignored for decades — is why it is that the immigrants who prey on English girls believe they have the right to do so because the latter are infidels of their Islamic faith, which teaches them that women are second-class citizens, that disobedient women are deserving of physical punishment under Sharia Law, and that White women and girls are whores.

I’m referring here not only to the Muslim rape network in — to list their hunting grounds in alphabetical order — Barrow-in-Furness, Birmingham, Blackburn with Darwen, Blackpool, Bolton, Bradford, Bristol City, Buckinghamshire, Burnley, Calderdale, Canterbury, Carlisle, Chelmsford, Cherwell, Coventry, Craven, Dacorum, Derby, Doncaster, Dudley, East Staffordshire, Hyndburn, Ipswich, Kingston-upon-Hull, Kirklees, Leeds, Leicester, Middlesborough, Newcastle upon Tyne, Newham, Norwich, Nottingham, Oxford, Peterborough, Plymouth, Preston, Redbridge, Redditch, Rochdale, Rotherham, St. Helens, Sandwell, Sheffield, South Somerset, Stoke-on-Trent, Stockport, Telford and Wrekin, Trafford, Wakefield, Walsall, Wirral and Wolverhampton — and the more than 250,000 English girls they groomed, trafficked, raped, tortured and murdered for over three decades, but also to the by-now almost daily incidents of immigrants sexually assaulting and raping English girls. 

To put a face to just one of the hundreds of thousands of British victims of the sexual violence of Muslim men, in July 2021 a 37-year-old British woman, Natalie Shotter, was raped repeatedly on a park bench in West London until her brutalisation was sufficient to kill her. It’s typical of the UK media that, although the article in the Daily Mail reporting this murder identified the homeless status of the criminal, it did not report the nationality or religion of Mohamed Noor Lidow, a Muslim Somali. The censorship of this information is testimony both to the scale of replacement immigration and to the state’s willingness to see the native population sacrificed to its consequences. In 2023, more than 8,800 rapes were reported to London’s Metropolitan Police Service, a rate of one reported rape every hour of every day of the year in our capital city, with a further 11,000 reports of other sexual violence. Across the UK, in the year to March 2022, 798,000 women aged 16 and over reported a sexual assault or rape. And as with crime rates in general across the UK, this figure was a 31 percent increase over 2021. Indeed, police-recorded sexual offences have nearly quadrupled since 2013, when 53,599 were reported, to 193,566 in 2022. 

Partly this is a result of more offences being reported — although still less, presumably, than the number of sexual offences actually committed, particularly among closed immigrant communities, in which women risk being ostracised for disobeying their husbands or reporting domestic abuse; but the evidence of our eyes and the testimony of British women of their fears for their safety in their own country speaks of an additional factor in the rising rates of sexual violence. So-called ‘honour-based’ violence committed against Muslim women in the UK by their own families, including rape, death threats and assault, rose at a similar rate from 884 in 2016 to 2,755 incidents in 2024. 14 percent of these ‘honour-based’ crimes, some 1,400 incidents, were assault with injury; 9 percent (248) were kidnappings by their own families; 8 percent (220) were rape of a female aged 16 and over by members of their own families, and 7 percent (193) were threats to kill. In addition, there were 201 reports of forced marriages, presumably overseen by one of the 85 Sharia Courts operating in the UK, and 111 incidents of female genital mutilation. UK police, however, say that, since ‘honour-based’ crimes are kept secret by the Muslim community, these numbers are far short of the actual level of violence and rape sanctified by Islam against its own followers.

The ethnicity and religion of the prison population, of course, are not the only measures of the causal relation between immigration and sex crimes. Attacks against women on British Railways increased from 7,561 in 2021 (when net migration from non-EU countries increased from 101,000 the previous year to 529,000) to 11,357 attacks in 2023 (when net migration from non-EU countries was an astonishing 952,000). Over the same period, the total number of sexual offences increased by 10 percent, while reports of sexual harassment also doubled. 

But beside the hugely disproportionate number (2.6 times the population) of Muslim prisoners in England and Wales and the openly misogynist and barbaric attitudes of Muslims towards not only Muslim women but also, and even more violently, towards European women, there is further evidence that the UK’s rocketing crime rates can be attributed to Islam. 

Of the 8,500 arrests of foreign nationals for sexual offences in England and Wales in 2024 alone, 23 of the 40 nationalities with the highest arrest rate were from Muslim majority countries (highlighted in green in the tables below), and a further 3 were from countries where at least 30 percent of the population are Muslims (highlighted in yellow). The likelihood of these foreign nationals and Muslims being arrested for sex crimes was between 5 and 25 times that of British nationals. In comparison to arrest rates for sex crimes of 223 per 100,000 of the population for Albanians, 256 for Bangladeshis, 308 for Pakistanis, 311 for Turks, 315 for Somalians, 404 for Algerians, 435 for Syrians, 609 for Tunisians, 855 for Iraqis, 911 for Iranians, 1,009 for Afghans and 1,212 for Sudanese, the arrest rate for sex crimes for Britons was 50 per 100,000. What else but their religion could cause the criminal behaviour towards and rape of British women of such a wide diaspora of nationalities from the Indian subcontinent, the Middle East, sub-Saharan Africa, North Africa and Eastern Europe? Of course, we must remember that the arrest rate for sex crimes by British citizens includes the 4 million Pakistani, Bangladesh and other Muslims born in the UK and granted British citizenship, but who retain Islam’s violent and contemptuous attitudes to women and children; so the actual difference between the British people and Muslims, no matter where they were born, is in reality even greater than these already appalling statistics suggest.

Islam not only justifies the rape of British women and children, it promotes it as part of Islam’s Jihad against post-Enlightenment Christian and secular nations. And since Muslims, under overriding concerns about so-called ‘community relations’ between the British and immigrants, have been and continue to be protected by the UK police, courts and state, even these figures, damning as they are, are only the tip of the iceberg of the real level of rape and sexual abuse committed by Muslims, foreign and UK born, against the British people. Beyond the indefensible threat to the safety of women and children and indeed all Britons to which replacement immigration has exposed us, what these figures incontrovertibly show is that, when you import Muslims into secular societies like the UK, you import mass rape. 

The standard of living in the UK that fell after the Global Financial Crisis of 2007-2008 has fallen still further since the lockdown of the UK economy between 2020-2021, and the poverty this and numerous other failed economic policies has produced — not least of which, as we have seen, is the policy of replacement immigration — is undoubtedly a driver of the increase in theft and crime rates in the UK, and to a lesser extent the muggings and other violence against the British people. 

However, the doubling of the prison population of the UK since the 1992 Maastricht Treaty, the disproportionate number of Muslims, Blacks and particularly Black youths in UK prisons, the steep rise in police-recorded crimes since 2018 when non-EU immigrants first outstripped immigrants from the European Union, the increase in knife crime among juveniles and in sexual offences against women by adults, the many times higher likelihood that crimes of violence, sexual abuse and theft will be committed by foreigners, and that immigrants from Muslim countries are between 5 and 25 times more likely than British citizens to commit sex crimes in England and Wales, all point to the catastrophic social impact of replacement immigration from countries with religious beliefs, cultural practices, attitudes to women and criminal behaviour that are incompatible with and detrimental to the native people of Britain. 

It is we, the British people, whose personal safety, national security, common prosperity and public services have been sacrificed for the profits of the globalists who have brought these immigrants here with the collusion of successive UK governments but without regard or care for the consequences for us. Those responsible for this betrayal are guilty of treason — not against our King, who has embraced and promotes the Islamisation of the UK — but against the real keepers of the sovereignty of the UK: the British people. In the next section I will suggest why, beyond the economic motivations, this has been done and to what end, and the enormity of the crime this constitutes against Britain and its people.

6. Normalising our Replacement

All these figures point to the unavoidable conclusion that UK Governments are importing crime. It is, overwhelmingly, the children of immigrants, first and second generation, who form the machete-wielding gangs of Caribbean, African, Middle-Eastern and Muslim kids we see terrorising the streets of the UK. And, not coincidentally, at the other end of the social scale, it’s the children of immigrants who become White-hating politicians, the most openly racist being David Lammy, our Foreign Secretary, Sadiq Khan, London’s Mayor since 2016, Humza Yousaf, the former First Minister of Scotland, and Anas Sarwar, the Leader of the Scottish Labour Party, all of whom have risen to some of the highest public offices in the land. And as their appalling examples show, poverty alone is not a sufficient explanation for the UK’s spiralling crime and the failure of immigrants from sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East and the Indian subcontinent to integrate with the values of the host country.

Immigration is an alienating experience that breeds resentment and racism, as demonstrated by Khan, who famously declared — apparently without fear of damaging his reputation among the 46 percent of the London population that are not White: ‘White people are not representative of London’. And both Yousaf and Sarwar use the word ‘White’ as a spat-out pejorative in their speeches in the Scottish Parliament. While Lammy cannot speak on any topic without relating it to Britain’s part in the Transatlantic Slave Trade, for which he wants reparation for what he calls, referring to Caribbeans, ‘our people’. We might ask why a self-professed Caribbean holds such a senior position in the government of the UK; but these, unmistakably, are the voices of alienated, resentful and anti-White immigrants who shouldn’t be anywhere near public office in the UK, and their example — and apparent impunity from arrest under the legislation on hate speech they use to silence opposition to replacement immigration — has set a precedent for every immigrant to the UK looking for someone and something to blame.

The woke ideology spread by Lammy, Khan, Yousaf and Sarwar, and before them by Diane Abbott, Sajid Javid and Priti Patel — all of whom are second-generation immigrants to the UK unafraid to denounce the country that welcomed their parents as ‘racist’ — is in the service of a geopolitical agenda that teaches immigrants to hate Britain, the British people and British culture. Worst of all, this agenda is not limited to immigrants but, under the influence of the globalists who benefit from replacement immigration, has spread to every level of the UK state, from our parliament, industries and local authorities to our educational, medical, cultural and sporting institutions. And in the rapidly-approaching future there waits for us a tipping point, when the quantity of demographic increase in immigrants causes a qualitative change and what we once thought of as British society no longer functions. Diversity, as we’re seeing and experiencing, is a source of our weakness to resist this globalist coup to take control of the governance of the UK.

To counter the evidence of this to the eyes of anyone who lives in the UK, a campaign of positive discrimination has been written into our laws, the policies of our municipal and local authorities and the employment practices of our industries. As an example of which, although 4.2 percent of the UK population is Black and 9.3 percent is Asian, by 2021, under Diversity, Equity and Inclusivity quotas, 37 percent of advertisements in the UK showed a Black person and 15 percent a South Asian. And although, in the 2021 census, the UK had 1.7 million people of mixed race, couples in advertisements are almost without fail composed of a Black man with a White women, with Mixed-race kids. None of this is a reflection of the demographic of the UK now but, rather, a preparation for what it will become under current immigration rates from sub-Saharan Africa and the Indian subcontinent. It is indicative of whom this propaganda is targeted at that we rarely if ever see comparable inter-racial couples composed of a South Asian man and a White woman, and never of a South Asian woman with a White man, because both Islam and Hinduism frowns on marriage outside their religious and racial communities. Rather, it is the religious beliefs and cultural mores of immigrant communities, and not those of the native people of Britain, that are being pandered to and promoted in our cultural industries.

Positive discrimination, however, doesn’t stop at positive representations of immigrants and anti-White diversity quotas for jobs and opportunities in our industries, but extends, just as importantly, to unrelentingly negative representations of the British population, our behaviour and values. As has been widely noted in innumerable social media conversations if not in our tightly controlled and censored media, in UK advertisements Asians are depicted as scientists and NHS doctors; Blacks as businessmen and loving fathers; while Whites appear as drunks, sexual predators and unemployed. As an example of which, in the Home Office’s 2022 video encouraging victims and bystanders to report instances of sexual harassment, all the predators in what is depicted as a highly racially diverse UK are White men, all the victims but one are Black or Asian women, and the only men to try to intervene are Black. It’s hard to imagine any other European nation producing a film so directly targeted at its native population, and impossible to imagine an African nation — say Nigeria, Ghana or Zimbabwe — releasing a public information film in which Black men prey on White women. In London, the film is part of our anti-White Mayor’s campaign to report the sexual harassment of women, the increase in which, as we have seen, is a product of immigration from countries, including his own, with very different attitudes to women that are incompatible with Western liberalism. And yet, once again, in the films promoting this campaign, White men are the sexual predators, while Black men play the role of concerned onlookers encouraged to correct their behaviour. To anyone who has to navigate the streets and public transport of the UK, and particularly young White women, this depiction would be laughable if it didn’t have such dangerous consequences for them.

The reality, of course, which more and more of us are experiencing first hand, is directly at odds with this programme of propaganda quite openly directed against White people and British culture, and particularly the White working class. In 2023, Black people in the UK were 2.2 times as likely to be arrested as White people, 2.4 times for Black men over White men. An astonishing 3.8 percent of Black men (43,677 individuals) in the UK were arrested in the year to March 2023 alone, compared to 1.1 percent nationally. This means that, out of every 105 Black men in the UK, 4 were arrested in just one year. As for the image of happy inter-racial families with Mixed-race kids, 57 percent of Black Caribbean families and 44 percent of Black African families in England and Wales have single parents, compared with 22 percent of White British families; and 90 percent of these Black single parents are women. The figures don’t record how many of these ‘baby-mamas’ — as Black men charmingly refer to the single mothers they have abandoned — are White women; but in the twenty years between 2001 and 2021 the Mixed-race population of England and Wales increased from 1.2 percent of the population (677,000 people) to 2.9 percent (1.7 million). And if we’re looking for the cause of the rise in petty crime in London that has turned it into a no-go zone for would-be tourists or families thinking of visiting for the day, 69 percent of the children arrested in London in 2022 were from ethnic minorities. 

As we’ve seen in the USA for decades, increasingly across Europe and now in the UK, the culture of Black immigrants, whether that of the Windrush generation from the Caribbean or the more recent immigrants from sub-Saharan Africa, is a criminal culture. There is no Western city in which a critical mass of the population is Black that does not degenerate into the poverty, street crime and gang warfare that is an increasingly common sight in Britain’s cities. In the 12 months to December 2024, there were 54,587 offences in England and Wales committed with a knife or sharp instrument, of which 262 were fatal. We’ve got a long way to go to reach the 1,500-plus people killed by knives every year in the USA; but that, as I argued in part one of this article, is the goal. Overall, knife crime in England and Wales increased by 2 percent last year, and by 4 percent the year before. In London, where the White British population was first revealed to be a minority in its own capital in 2011, knife crime increased by 31 percent in the year to December 2024 and, over the last 10 years, by an appalling 87 percent. All this is testimony to the failure of UK immigration policy, and the exact opposite of the anti-White propaganda spread by the London Mayor.

For more serious crimes the statistics are even worse. Of the 978 homicides committed in England and Wales in the three years between April 2020 and March 2023, 18 percent (174 homicides) were committed by Black people, 4.5 times their percentage of the population. Since this is a culture of criminality and not merely a symptom of poverty, it’s not surprising that 14 percent of homicide victims are Black, 3.5 times their percentage of the population; that 13 percent of victims are from other ethnic minorities; and that 87 percent of Black victims are male. But the consequences for the UK state don’t stop at the victims. 12 percent of the UK prison population is Black, three times their percentage of the general population. This rises to an extraordinary 30 percent of those prisoners under the age of 18 — 7.5 times the proportion of the population that is Black, but closer, admittedly, to their representation in UK advertisements as studious children, loving husbands, doting fathers and successful businessmen. 

As someone who has lived in Hong Kong for 15 of the last 18 months, the difference between living in a city with a non-existent Black population and returning to the constant threat of violence from Black youths and antisocial behaviour by Black women on London’s streets and public transport is noticeable and shocking. From the annual festival of theft, sexual assaults, stabbings and murder called the Notting Hill Carnival to the gangs of machete-wielding kids terrorising our streets and stealing unopposed by security guards from our shops, Black immigration to the UK has been and continues to be an unrelenting disaster for the British people, and the endless accusations of ‘racism’ from the Black community, which refuses to face up to its responsibility for this disaster, doesn’t change that.

Normalising the demographic replacement of the British people, however, means more than changing our perception of the criminal society into which the UK has been transformed by replacement immigration or who is responsible for the crimes of which few of us will avoid being the victim: it also means changing our laws. In March 2025, the UK’s Sentencing Council put forward ‘community and custodial sentences guidelines’ that would require judges and magistrates to impose harsher custodial or community sentences on citizens of the UK who are British, White, male, heterosexual or Christian. The rationale was that, since foreigners, Asians, Blacks, transvestites and Muslims have a far higher arrest rate and are hugely overrepresented in UK prisons, our justice system must be xenophobic, racist, transphobic and Islamophobic. It must be corrected, therefore, by reducing sentences or letting off criminals with what are classified, under Section 4 of the Equality Act 2010, as ‘protected characteristics’. As the day these guidelines were to come into effect, however, they were blocked by the Sentencing Guidelines (Pre-Sentence Reports) Act 2025 on 1 April and sent back to the Sentencing Council for review. In June, therefore, the Sentencing Council reissued the guidelines with the references to the protected characteristics of offenders removed. Only averted by public awareness and opposition to their justification and effects, these guidelines would, in effect, have turned the UK into an apartheid state.

However, just as the Home Office and London Mayor try to convince us that sexual harassment is a crime committed exclusively by White Britons rather than, as we have seen it disproportionately is, by Blacks and Muslims, before these guidelines were blocked there was a campaign to change our perception of what they would mean for White Britons. In particular, it was widely repeated that they were mere guidelines it is within the discretion of a judge or magistrate to reject. As an example of which, Dr. Laura Janes, a solicitor defending the Guidelines in The Law Society Gazette, wrote in March 2025: ‘They are just guidance and do not require judges to take a particular course of action.’ This is a demonstrable lie. Under Section 59 of the Sentencing Act 2020 it states very clearly and unequivocally that every court ‘must, in sentencing an offender, follow any sentencing guidelines which are relevant’. Indeed, the Sentencing Council itself has stated that the courts ‘must follow any relevant sentencing guidelines, unless it is contrary to the interests of justice to do so.’ 

This, of course, raises the question of what justice is under the two-tier system the Sentencing Council sought to impose upon us. This was partially answered by Pavan Dhaliwal, Chief Executive of justice reform charity, Revolving Doors, who commented: ‘We already have a two-tier justice system where Black, Asian, and minority ethnic people face harsher sentences and are less likely to receive community alternatives’. The UK, in other words, is a racist country, its racist people operating racist institutions. This is the kind of textbook woke dogma we’re used to hearing in the mouths of liberal activists; it’s far more concerning hearing it repeated by the CEO of a charity seeking to subject the UK’s justice system to DEI criteria that would disproportionately punish the native population of Britain. This is the essence of woke: that when reality (far higher crime rates among foreigners, Blacks, transsexuals and Muslims) doesn’t accord with its ideology, it seeks to change our perception of that reality, not only by depicting White Britons as criminals and rapists but also, in this case, by permitting those protected by the Equality Act 2020 to murder, rape and steal from the British people.

Not content with this attempt to determine the sentencing of criminals according to their nationality, race, mental disorder or religion, in March this year the National Police Chief’s Council published a new commitment to the ‘Police Race Action Plan: Improving Policing for Black People’, which it had first introduced in 2020. Under the DEI category of ‘equity’ — which is the opposite of the principle of equality before the law but seeks to engineer outcomes in conformity with woke ideology — this will require police officers to bring about parity in arrest rates between White Britons and what we have seen is the far higher criminal behaviour of Black and Muslim immigrants and children of immigrants living in the UK. What this police plan does is adopt the woke argument that Blacks are only arrested because UK police are racist and not because of their criminal behaviour, and write this into the best practices of the UK’s police forces. Not only does this not address the spiralling crime committed by immigrants in the UK but it will, in addition, allow more of these criminals to avoid arrest and sentences appropriate for their crimes.

The correlation of this apartheid criminal law is that, while foreigners, Muslims and Blacks are free to steal from, rape and murder us with impunity from arrest and without deterrence of custodial sentences by our justice system, British citizens are arrested by our police and imprisoned for years by our courts for daring to speak about the overwhelmingly negative effects of replacement immigration I have documented in this article. Under woke legislation, in other words, the British people not only have to pay to import, house, train, educate, clothe, feed and provide health cover and welfare benefits for over a million immigrants per year for the foreseeable future, but we also have to allow them to steal from, rape and murder us without complaint, without protest and without fighting back. This, unmistakably, is the legislation of a colonial power intent on reducing the native population of Britain to servitude, poverty and second-class citizenship.

As I have argued elsewhere, woke isn’t merely creating a code of behaviour, speech and ultimately thought to which we are being compelled to adhere on pain of arrest and imprisonment: it is, in addition, an attempt to change what we understand to be reality when it doesn’t accord with the principles of its ideology. The point of this article is to document the yawning abyss between our present and future reality and what we’re repeatedly and relentlessly told about mass immigration and its benefits. 

Statistics aren’t ‘racist’. Facts aren’t ‘far-Right’. UN policies and EU compacts on replacement immigration aren’t ‘conspiracy theories’. This data, however, revealing as it is, merely corroborates the negative consequences of mass immigration from non-EU countries experienced by the British people who have been denounced by the Government of Keir Starmer for questioning its causes as ‘far-Right thugs’. You can read and decide for yourself according to your ideology and, most likely these days, your race, ethnicity, religion, nationality and immigration status, and dismiss this data — as deaths, rising cancer and heart disease following the UK ‘vaccination’ programme continue to be — as ‘correlation without causality’. But the only objective conclusion to be drawn from this data is that crime in the UK rises with immigration from countries with high crime rates; that with mass immigration crime increases disproportionately to the numbers as immigrants congregate in ghettos of discontent and refuse to integrate with the beliefs and values and behaviours of the host nation; that crime rates increase most rapidly when immigrants come from countries that, demonstrably and in contradiction of the neoliberal ideology of multiculturalism, have no ethnic, cultural or religious compatibility with the UK; and that immigration creates the degree of criminality and societal breakdown we are experiencing in the UK when immigrants come from countries whose indoctrination by the ideology of Islamic fundamentalism has identified Britain and the British people as their enemies.

It is these facts that the UK government, parliament and media are trying to deny when they smear the British working class as ‘far-Right thugs’ and ‘mindless racists’, and accord themselves, on the back of the murder of three English children in Southport and the life-changing assault on eight more, further intrusive and authoritarian powers over us. Not the least of the agonies the survivors of this racially motivated attack will have to face as they grow into adults is the realisation that the government of the country in which they were born and raised spent the weeks after their attempted murder by the son of Rwandan immigrants insulting, denigrating, attacking, arresting and imprisoning White British people, and that small numbers of British people and the UK media responded to the attack on the lives of the Southport victims not with outrage or concern or sorrow or sympathy, but by organising rallies at which they shouted ‘refugees welcome’. This alone demonstrates the contempt for British lives held by the acolytes of the anti-White ideology that promotes — however naively or cynically — the policy of replacement immigration in the UK.

I was surprised that at least one of the parents of the murdered or stabbed children was not convinced, by threat or inducement by the police, media or government, to appear before the cameras and absolve all immigrants of blame for the attack — including those marching through the cities of England shouting ‘Allahu Akbar!’ before the dead were buried and while the injured were fighting for their lives in hospital; to call on British demonstrators to obey the government, stop protesting and stay at home; and to denounce those who didn’t as ‘far-Right thugs’. It’s to their immense credit that they didn’t, and another measure of the discontent, fear and anger that replacement immigration has caused in the UK and will continue to cause in ever-mounting degree, and which the government’s authoritarian, oppressive and cynical response will only increase.

Simon Elmer is the author of The Great Replacement: Conspiracy Theory or Immigration Policy? (2024), from which this article is taken. His recent books include Case Studies in Estate Regeneration: Demolition, Privatisation and Social Cleansing (2025), The Great Reset: Biopolitics for Stakeholder Capitalism (2023), and The Road to Fascism: For a Critique of the Global Biosecurity State (2022).