The Midazolam murders – never forgive, never forget!

Niall McCrae

As a covid sceptic, suspecting that SARS-CoV-2 is PCR test fraud and rebranded influenza, I’m sometimes challenged on the steep spike in deaths in spring 2020. If there was no pandemic, why this surge, which occurred past the peak of flu season in the northern hemisphere?   These were real people who died: isn’t it callous to erase them in pursuit of covid denial? 

The terrible truth is that the extremely high mortality from March to May 2020 was a consequence not of a novel coronavirus but government policy. That’s quite a charge, but I’m not the first to assert it. I’m building on the detective work of Jacqui Deevoy and Gareth Icke, whose documentary last year exposed the widespread use of terminal care drugs in the frail elderly under the cover of Covid-19.  A few days ago, popular radio host Maajid Nawaz focused on this debacle, pulling no punches. 

The official narrative on Covid-19 bombarded us with the message of a deadly plague. At the time, supine mainstream media never criticised the regime unless calling for harsher restrictions. When the terror declined, however, questions were asked about the policy of evicting older people from hospital, purportedly to free beds for covid cases. These patients had been admitted because they were sick (not surprisingly medical wards are highly populated by older people, as vulnerability to disease increases with age). 

Such patients were typically discharged without testing for Covid-19. Allegedly, reckless ministerial action seeded the virus in care homes, where many residents succumbed, leading to an Amnesty International enquiry. But the real reason for thousands more than usual deaths in care homes was not a respiratory infection, but a respiratory suppressant administered by care staff.  

Health Secretary Matt Hancock had prepared for what arguably became a cull of the elderly, by ordering a vast bulk of midazolam from France. On 3rd April 2020 the National Institute for Healthcare and Clinical Excellence (NICE) issued the treatment protocol Covid-19 Rapid Guideline: Managing Symptoms (Including at the End of Life) in the Community.  The guidance for treating agitation or distress in covid sufferers was that ‘sedative and opioid use should not be withheld because of a fear of causing respiratory depression.’ Yet any impediment to breathing is likely to cause respiratory or cardiac arrest, and the frequent use of ‘do not resuscitate’ orders gave no chance of survival. 

Kate Shemirani, a nurse removed from the Nursing & Midwifery Council for speaking out on covid cruelty and corruption, told Maajid Nawaz that practitioners had no excuse for ‘just following orders’. Under their professional code of conduct, they can be just as guilty by omission as commission. They have a duty of care and must act as patient’s advocate. Nurses and doctors knowingly participated in the hastening of death in older and disabled people, and euthanasia is a crime. They would have known that midazalom, a potent sedative rapidly titrated from 10mg to 60mg on a syringe driver, would end rather than save life – that was its purpose. In the words of Upton Sinclair, ‘it’s difficult to get a man to understand something when his salary depends on him not understanding it’. 

As Nawaz and Shemirani discussed, the government’s Liverpool Care Pathway, a thin end of the wedge for legalised euthanasia , was abolished in name only in 2013. The elderly have continued to be prone to cold if not callous clinical assessment of their worth. At Gosport Hospital, four hundred older people were judged to have been unlawfully killed, much of the toll attributed to a doctor who has escaped the notoriety of serial killer Doctor Harold Shipman.  In the covid regime, the scope of end-of-life treatment appeared to expand far beyond patients in the last days of a terminal condition.   

Midazolam was not the only means of administering death. At the height of covid hysteria, many patients admitted to hospital and testing positive were hooked on to mechanical breathing apparatus. The government commissioned Rolls Royce to switch production from engines to ventilators. Instead of saving lives, few survived this trauma. In New York, 88% of patients on ventilators died. Tragically, this equipment was not used as a last resort, but to immobilise ambulant patients to stop the spread of the virus. 

The elderly were the segment of society most exposed to covid totalitarianism. Simon Elmer in The Road to Fascism described the plight of care home residents in the global biosecurity state, which determines whether they live or die: – 

‘Isolated in their rooms for months on end, subjected to unrelenting terrorism on television, deprived of access to normal medical care from GPs, refused visits from their family, prohibited from leaving what had become and for many remains their prison, residents were transformed into a form of bare life, in which most of their human rights had been removed on the justification of keeping them alive’

According to Elmer, the impact of the contrived Covid-19 crisis was a crash of morality. Disturbingly, this was most evident in the caring professions, who received accolades from politicians, the media and general public, with Orwellian clapping rituals. Yet instead of saving lives, the NHS was committing crimes against humanity.